~ S P E C I A L ~ F E A T U R E ~
Leadership in Bondage
~ an excerpt from the new book ~
LEE & GRANT:
Profiles in Leadership
from the Battlefields of Virginia
by Maj. Charles R. Bowery, Jr., U.S. Army
INTRODUCTION
This excerpt examines the leadership styles of Union
general Ulysses S. Grant and Confederate general Robert E.
Lee in the selection and assignment of subordinates.
Neither Grant nor Lee were able to wage war on the basis of
military strategy alone. Both generals were constrained by
regional loyalties, rank, and politics from making desired
personnel changes.
The excerpt is a fascinating study in how to manage
subordinates you're not at liberty to fire. Most business
leaders face similar issues; however, the costs to the
Union and the Confederacy were measured in lost lives, not
market share.
Maj. Charles R. Bowery, Jr., is a former history instructor
from West Point currently serving as a U.S. Army officer in
Iraq. Lee & Grant is one military historian's attempt to
take a fresh look at a great contest of wills and extract
lessons for today's business and political leaders. More
information about author Charles Bowery and the book, Lee
& Grant, follows the excerpt.
LEE & GRANT:
Leadership in Bondage
Maj. Charles R. Bowery, Jr.
1. Robert E. Lee and the Politics of Promotion
With James Longstreet recovering from his May 6 wound and
numerous other generals wounded or out of action, Lee had
to make a major reorganization of his officer corps in
order to meet the current emergency. The masterful way in
which Lee made this reorganization, while simultaneously
fighting Grant to a standstill at Spotsylvania, is a model
of organizational leadership and political skill. In making
these changes, Lee demonstrated that he was capable of
directive leadership, but was also capable of of mixing
this style with the participation of his subordinates at
key moments.
Lee's first task was to put someone in Longstreet's place.
Based purely on military skill, the natural choice for the
job was Third Corps Division Commander Jubal Early. Early,
a Virginia Lawyer and West Point graduate whom Lee jokingly
referred to as "my bad old man" because of his predilection
for streams of profanity, was easily the most combative of
Lee's division commanders -- precisely the type of general
Lee could depend on to exercise initiative and conform to
the spirit of his aggressive orders.
Early was a bad choice for the First Corps job, however,
and Lee found this out by talking to the officers of the
corps headquarters, most notably Colonel Moxley Sorrel,
Longstreet's chief of staff. Early on the morning of May 7,
as Lee waited for the return of the reconnaissance patrols
he had ordered, he summoned Sorrel to headquarters, and the
two sat under a shade tree, out of earshot of everyone
else, to discuss the situation. Sorrel agreed with Lee that
Early was a good general, but he did not recommend him to
replace Longstreet because he thought that Early would be
"objectionable to both officers and men" of the corps.
The Army of Northern Virginia was a collection of citizen
soldiers from the various Confederate states, not a
professional army of career soldiers. Southerners of the
nineteenth century, and indeed most Americans at the time,
held intensely local sympathies; loyalties to community and
state were usually more important than conceptions of
American patriotism. The men of the First Corps hailed
mainly from South Carolina and the Deep South states --
Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Texas, Louisiana
and Arkansas. To put Virginia-born Early, not the most
politic of officers in any case, in charge of this corps
would cause a great deal of bad feeling. Sorrel made
another recommendation: Richard H. Anderson, who hailed
from South Carolina.
Anderson was not the best choice from a military point of
view. He had built a reputation as a solid and reliable,
but entirely average, leader. Unlike Stonewall Jackson, he
would require more close supervision, at least at the
outset. But other factors besides simple military
efficiency played a part in this decision. Anderson's
division had served the First Corps before being moved to
the Third after the battle of Chancellorsville. Sorrel felt
that Anderson was the logical choice in this regard: "We
know him and shall be satisfied with him." In making this
key decision, Lee retained the final approval, but he
listened to the advice of a capable subordinate, and in so
doing employed a strategically placed bit of participating
leadership. As it turned out, Lee made the right choice;
Anderson performed very capably until Longstreet returned
to the army later in 1864.
Whether or not you can delegate to subordinates depends in
part on who those subordinates are and whether they are
capable of taking on the responsibility. What are the
constraints, political and otherwise, that you face in the
realm of human resources? Territorial issues may force you
to promote a candidate from one section or division over a
candidate from another area, even when that person is not
necessarily the most qualified.
Certain candidates for promotion may have connections in
high places, even if they are not as highly skilled as
others. In any case, you probably do not have the luxury of
firing everybody you think isn't performing up to par; you
may have to get along as best you can with the staff at
your disposal. These issues are nothing new; Robert E. Lee
faced them as he attempted to reorganize his officer corps
"on the fly" after the Wilderness. The "best" decisions you
can make regarding personnel may not be as simple as one
resume over another.
With the matter of the First Corps settled to the
satisfaction of all, Lee turned to other leadership needs.
Hill had proved in the Wilderness that he was unable to
exercise effective command of his corps. Putting Anderson
in Longstreet's place kept Jubal Early available to assume
the Third Corps post, and Lee made that move on May 8. This
temporary posting gave Lee the chance to evaluate Early at
a higher level of responsibility, confirming or denying his
capacity for a fulltime position as a corps commander.
Early's promotion, in turn, cleared the way for another of
Lee's promising young generals to step up.
John Brown Gordon, a Georgia native and a natural-born
soldier with no military training, had shown at every level
of command from company to brigade that he was an
outstanding soldier. He too, moved up, this time to command
Early's division. Gordon's promotion created yet another
sticky situation, as another of the brigadiers, Harry Hays
of Louisiana, actually outranked Gordon.
Modern leaders often have similar problems: A lower-level
leader may not have the skills necessary to perform, but
that leader may have seniority, political connections, or
something else that makes it difficult to remove her or him
from power. In this case, issues of rank were every bit as
sensitive as issues of state, and Lee applied dexterity to
this problem as well. He moved Hays and his brigade to the
division of Edward Johnson and consolidated them with the
Louisiana brigade of Leroy Stafford, who had been killed in
the Wilderness. This move gave the Louisianians one of
their own to command them and removed the issue of rank
between Gordon and Hays. To complete this reshuffling, Lee
ordered the transfer of one of Robert Rodes's five brigades
to Gordon's new division to replace the departed Hays. The
move satisfied all the generals involved and left all of
the Second Corps divisions with an equal number of
brigades.
This level of political sensitivity set Lee apart from most
other Civil War generals. As a rule, West Point-trained
generals held citizen soldiers and officers in low regard.
Not Lee; he understood those whom he led, he appreciated
their sacrifices for what they believed in, and adapted his
leadership to suit them. A few days later, while Lee and
Hill looked on, one of Hill's political generals, Ambrose
R. Wright of Georgia, mishandled an attack. Hill railed
against Wright, promising to convene a court-martial to
punish the Georgian. "These men are not any Army," Lee
explained as if lecturing a student. "They are citizens
defending their country. I have to make the best of what I
have and lose much time making dispositions," he went on.
Hill would only humiliate Wright and antagonize the people
of Georgia by pressing charges. "Besides," Lee asked Hill,
"whom would you put in his place? You'll have to do what I
do: When a man makes a mistake, I call him to my tent, talk
to him, and use the authority of my position to make him do
the right thing the next time." Lee's sensitivity to both
the needs of his organization and the needs of his people
is a great example for any manager or human resources
director to emulate.
2. Ulysses S. Grant the Strategic Negotiator
If you work in a senior leadership position, you probably
employ negotiation almost every day to get your point
across to others. In a given situation, perhaps in the
formulation of a company strategic vision or in the
development of a sales strategy, you may agree with other
executives about the general approach but differ on
important strategic points. Using your authority in an
autocratic way, a "my way or the highway" approach, might
be within your prerogative but would do more harm than good
in the long run. A great example of Grant the Negotiator
occurred even before he assumed command. When the Lincoln
administration began considering Grant for the position of
general-in-chief, they asked him his opinion on the best
way to solve the problem of Lee's continual success in the
eastern theater. Grant stated his opinion of the best
course of action in a typically straightforward letter to
Chief of Staff Henry Halleck, written in January 1864.
Instead of lunging directly at Lee along the same line of
operations as in all previous Union offensives, Grant
proposed a more indirect approach. He wanted to concentrate
all available forces to make a newer, bigger army of the
Potomac, move that force via the Chesapeake Bay and
southeastern Virginia to North Carolina, and slice into the
Confederate interior, "an abandonment of all previously
attempted lines to Richmond." His intermediate target would
be Raleigh, North Carolina, and by capturing this he would
deprive Lee of the area from which he received most of his
supplies and much of his manpower. In Grant's thinking,
this offensive "would virtually force an evacuation of
Virginia and indirectly of East Tennessee" and "would throw
our armies into new fields, where they could partially live
upon the country and would reduce the stores of the enemy."
George McClellan had attempted a less bold version of this
maneuver with his 1862 Peninsula Campaign.
This plan made tremendous sense given the futility of Union
efforts in Virginia since 1861, but it was destined for
disapproval on the desk of Abraham Lincoln. Grant perceived
one strategic imperative: A focus on the enemy's armies
through maneuver and offensive action. Lincoln agreed with
Grant in this respect, but he also operated under a second
strategic imperative. Right or wrong, Lincoln demanded the
continued security of Washington, D.C., and he demanded
that this be achieved by maintaining a large force between
that city and Lee's army. Grant's proposal to strip the
capital of its defenses in order to form a large
expeditionary force was simply anathema to the Lincoln
administration. It did not matter that by 1864 Washington
was the most heavily fortified city on Earth, and that Lee
saw perfectly clearly the impossibility of capturing it.
Faced with this opposition, Grant used dialogue and
negotiation to get his essential point across where his
predecessors had failed. Earlier eastern commanders such as
McClellan, Pope, and Hooker were inflexible to a fault; as
professional soldiers, they took a dim view of Lincoln, who
in all fairness to them often meddled in military policy.
But the strategic conferences they held with Lincoln
usually ended in dissatisfaction for one or both parties.
They went beyond disagreement with Lincoln into open and
acrimonious arguments that were inappropriate for all
concerned. Their negotiations usually took the form of
distributive, or zero-sum bargaining -- that is, one side
was bound to win (by the Union's adopting his strategy) and
one side was bound to lose (by having his approach rejected
or his feelings hurt). Distributive bargaining may be
necessary in some situations, such as a discussion of
prices with a customer, but in Grant's case, it was
important for him and the Union cause that he and Lincoln
come to an agreement that satisfied all concerned.
Grant did this by employing integrative, or collaborative,
bargaining, an approach that uses shared interests and
cooperation to arrive at a satisfactory outcome. Grant and
Lincoln agreed on the end result they desired, and they
really did agree on the overall approach -- just not on the
specific question of a line of operation. Grant was able to
convince Lincoln of the soundness of his overall plan, and
as a result, he got much of it implemented.
Grant was at his best as a strategic leader because he
communicated a solid vision while exhibiting good
followership and negotiating skills, as seen earlier. In
contrast to his predecessors, Grant never criticized his
boss in public, even though he must have chafed under the
restrictions placed on him. Even though strategic leaders
exercise control at the highest levels, they cannot forget
the vital importance of followership.
Grant's relationship with his three subordinate generals
were a case in point. Nathanial P. Banks in Louisiana and
Franz Sigel and Benjamin Butler in Virginia were so-called
political generals. They had gained their positions of
authority early in the war, when the difficulty of raising
a mass citizen army meant that Abraham Lincoln often had to
rely on men with political clout but little military
ability, because of their influence with large portions of
the citizenry of their states. Like it or not, you probably
have to work with senior executives who owe their positions
to political clout, and there is nothing you can do about
it. Just as Grant did, however, you can use even these
subordinates to get where you need to go.
Political influence became more, not less, important as the
war went on, and it came to a head in 1864 as the
presidential election approached. Banks and Butler were
prominent Republicans, and thus were viewed as politically
acceptable by the administration and by Congress. Sigel was
a german immigrant who was immensely popular with the
Northeast's German-American population. Grant, and by
extension, Lincoln, did not have the option of replacing
these men, and in any case, generals of proven ability in
commanding armies were scarce. As a strategic leader, Grant
had to make the best of the generals provided to him.
You may be placed in the same situation with your senior
staff. If you cannot remove those who are in positions of
responsibility, you must find a way to maximize your team's
performance in spite of them. Grant did this through the
application of a coherent vision of victory and by
"stacking" with other proven generals when and where he
could.
Grant knew that Sigel and Butler were liabilities, so he
sought to place proven soldiers in division command
positions immediately below them, in the hope that the
political generals would in some cases defer to the
professionals -- a long shot, yes, but better than nothing.
Sigel's official position was commander of the Department
of West Virginia; Grant's intention for the campaign was to
have two trusted subordinates, Edward O.C. Ord and George
Crook use the department's 10,000 troops as one striking
force, aimed at severing Virginia's rail link with Eastern
Tennessee and moving northward into the Shenandoah Valley.
It became clear to Ord that Sigel had no intention of
letting him carry out Grant's plan, though, and so Ord
resigned on April 19.
Ord was correct in his supposition. Sigel disregarded
Grant's intent and divided his force into three smaller
elements, two operating in southwestern Virginia under
Crook and William W. Averell, and the largest (of course),
under his personal command, moving southward up the valley
to link up with them. Sigel's blatant insubordination
should not obscure the leadership that Grant attempted to
employ, however.
In the end, the Shenandoah Valley expedition made some
small gains only because of the general-in-chief's
personnel decisions. Sigel ensured that the offensive
failed to coordinate with Grant's overall strategy. Crook's
was the most successful of the three columns, defeating a
small Confederate force at Cloyd's Mountain, Virginia, on
May 9. Averell's force also had limited success, but it was
too small to do any significant damage and was not able to
move into a position to support Crook, and so by mid-May
the two were back in West Virginia. Aside from a small
amount of damage to the Virginia and Tennessee railroad,
this phase of the offensive achieved nothing.
This withdrawal allowed the Confederate commander in the
Shenandoah Valley, former U.S. Vice President John C.
Breckinridge, now a Confederate major general, to
concentrate his forces against Sigel at New Market, thirty
miles north of Staunton on the Valley Turnpike (the present
day U.S. 11/Interstate 81 corridor). On May 15,
Breckenridge's 5,300 rebels squared off against Sigel's
9,000 Unionists and defeated them soundly. The most
noteworthy moment in the battle occurred when 227 teenaged
cadets of the Virginia Military Institute charged to plug a
gap in the Confederate line, suffering ten killed and
forty-five wounded but capturing a Union Canon and ensuring
victory for Breckenridge's little army. Sigel tamely
retreated northward, and by May 19, Breckenridge and 2,500
infantrymen were on board trains enrooted to reinforce Lee
and the Army of North Virginia.
About the Author
MAJOR CHARLES R. BOWERY, JR., a United States Army officer,
brings a proud heritage and personal experience in military
command and combat positions to his study of leadership in
the Civil War. Counting three Confederate Army soldiers
among his storied ancestors, he was born and raised in New
Kent County, Virginia, a suburb of Richmond on the
outskirts of the Army of Northern Virginia's first
battlefields. His early fascination with the War Between
the States led him to the field of military history.
Bowery received his undergraduate degree in history in
1992, as a Distinguished Military Graduate of the College
of William and Mary, and earned his Master's in history
from North Carolina State University in 2001. Upon
completing his graduate studies, he clinched the position
of military history instructor at the army's prestigious
academy at West Point. During his two-year tenure, he wrote
several book reviews and encyclopedia articles on the Civil
War, as well as co-edited the official Academy
correspondence of Superintendent Robert E. Lee. In January
2004, Gettysburg Magazine published his article, "Encounter
at the Triangular Field: The 124th New York and the First
Texas at Gettysburg, July 2, 1863."
"Some authors have attempted to boil down the war's battles
and leaders into sets of aphorisms, and many have attempted
to shoehorn them into modern management theories. That is
not the intent of this book," Bowery asserts. "LEE & GRANT
is intended to be a concise, readable, exciting account of
the 1864 Overland Campaign. Throughout this amazing story,
the reader will find a succession of leadership lessons
that are as pertinent in the 21st century as they were in
the 19th."
Bowery has been called upon to apply those very leadership
lessons throughout his career as an army aviation officer
with the First Infantry Division. Since July 2004, he has
been stationed in Tikrit, Iraq, serving as the Operations
Officer for 1-1 Aviation. A qualified and accomplished AH-
64 Apache Attack Helicopter pilot, he is currently
responsible for supervising day-to-day operations and
planning combat missions for a battalion of 24 attack
helicopters. Known as the "Gunfighters," his battalion
provides support to ground troops fighting against Iraqi
insurgents.
Before his combat tour in Iraq, Bowery completed the
Command and General Staff Officer's Course at Fort
Leavenworth, Kansas, and served with the First Infantry
Division in Ansbach, Germany. He is scheduled to return to
Germany sometime in early 2005. He looks forward to
rejoining his wife, Mary Ann, an Army lawyer with the Judge
Advocate General's Corp, and resuming their weekend travels
through Europe with their Great Dane, Frederick.
About the Book
LEE & GRANT:
Profiles in Leadership
from the Battlefields of Virginia
by Maj. Charles R. Bowery, Jr.
Published by AMACOM Books
ISBN 0-8144-0819-2, 272 pages, illustrated,
bibliography, indexed, hardcover, $24)
Available through this site or directly from the publisher:
http://www.amacombooks.com/books/catalog/0814408192.htm
Endorsements for LEE & GRANT:
"In Lee & Grant, Charles Bowery offers some timely,
perceptive, and deftly presented observations on nineteenth
century leadership and followership skills that apply
equally well to managers, military and civilian, of our
era. This well-researched and thought-provoking study is a
model of its kind."
-- Edward G. Longacre
"Lee & Grant offers a judicious and compelling command-
level overview of the 1864 Overland Campaign, as well as
thoughtful consideration of how an understanding of the
events of over 140 years ago can be of value to
businessmen, military officers, and anyone else who faces
the challenge of leadership today. Highly recommended."
-- Ethan S. Rafuse, Professor of Military History,
U.S. Army Command and General Staff College,
and author of George Gordon Meade and the War in the East
"Charles Bowery's book is a remarkably interesting and
useful analysis of the challenges Grant and Lee faced as
leaders. Bowery identifies the qualities, skills, and
methods that enabled them to succeed, and he skillfully
translates their experiences into 'Leadership Lessons,'
readily transferable to the modern business world."
-- Robert A. Doughty, U.S. Military Academy, West Point
Business is a Battlefield.
Learn from Two of America's Greatest Generals.
The Overland Campaign of 1864 brought together the Civil
War's two greatest commanders, Robert E. Lee and Ulysses S.
Grant, in the longest, hardest-fought, and most destructive
military campaign ever waged on the North American
continent. Locked in deadly combat, Lee and Grant plotted,
maneuvered, and pushed ferociously to win control of each
conflict‹the Battle of the Wilderness, Spotsylvania, the
North Anna, Cold Harbor‹and, ultimately, the nation.
LEE & GRANT combines a riveting historical account of the
Overland Campaign with a fascinating, eye-opening study in
leadership -- as powerful and relevant today as it was on the
battlefields of Virginia. Stripping away many of the myths
and hyperbole, LEE & GRANT delivers a clear-headed account
of their successes and failures, along with dozens of
leadership lessons that managers and executives can put to
use in any organization.
Lee and Grant approached challenges in a fundamentally
similar way. They called on skills learned through a
lifetime of intellectual and practical preparation, applied
those skills through carefully selected subordinates, and
drove their armies forward with indomitable will and
persistence. Imagine an organization headed by someone who
combines the best traits and skills of these two
exceptional generals -- unstoppable!
Copyright ©2005 by Charles R. Bowery, Jr. All rights reserved.
Reprinted here with permission of the publisher, Amacom
Books, http://www.amacombooks.org. Please feel free to
duplicate or distribute this file, as long as the contents
are not changed and this copyright notice is intact.